09 2003 La Plaza: Public Space as Space of NegotiationThe concept of the public and the public sphere has already been discussed extensively and in detail (Calhoun 1999, Fraser 1999, Marchart 1998 and the relevant articles in this issue). This essay is intended to focus on public space in its property as a concrete, real, and urban place. Against the background of several theses on the public and space, the main square of Mexico City serves as an example for the significance of this kind of real public space as a disputed space of negotiation.[1]
Public Sphere as Collective Invention Classically, according
to Richard Sennett, the public sphere is the space where
one is exposed to everyone's inquisitive gaze, the space
in which there are actors and onlookers, where one is
simultaneously observer and observed (Sennett 1986).
The relationship between the individual and society
is reflected in urban space. Here, according to Georg
Simmel, is where the urban mentality is revealed, which
is characterized by distance and reservation, but also
by a complexity of relationships and situations. (Simmel
1984). Public space offers the possibility of disappearing
anonymously in the masses, but also that of identifying
with a group. In the meeting of strangers or like-minded
people, a central principle of public space is evident:
there is something communal about it and it is borne
or used by a collective (Fraser 1999).[2]
The Columbian communications scholar Armando Silva says
that public space is a marker, and despite the withdrawal
of the state from its social obligations, from here
it is still always possible to speak of a collective
space beyond personal or economic interests. It is only
from this space that it is possible to develop collective
processes. The public sphere is ultimately a collective
invention (Silva 2003:25).
Urban Space and the Public Sphere Public space temporarily
undergoes different utilizations, it is not characterized
by stability and continuity, but is instead processual
and situational. It is thus a space of negotiation,
materially and discursively disputed. It is heterogeneously
produced, used and negotiated. Continuously meeting
and negotiating differing interests and values, attributions
of meaning that can also be contradictory, are what
distinguishes public spaces. In this sense, the existence
of public space is also a central characteristic of
and a precondition for the urban. Yet what does real public space mean as a negotiable location of everyday practice? And what does it look like? How is it perceived, used and occupied? I would like to pursue these questions of the constitution of public space as space of negotiation using the example of a specific square in Mexico City.
Zócalo – Empty Center of Mexico City With roughly twenty million inhabitants, Mexico City is one of the largest cities in the world. In the nineties the name of the metropolis still evoked horror scenarios of population explosions, environmental disasters and ungovernability. Mexico City stood for the boundaries of urban growth and for urban chaos. Today the city is seen from a different perspective with interest in the appropriation of spaces, in the organization of everyday survival and the significance of the spontaneous structures of everyday practice. A system of improvised utilizations of space and time worked out by the inhabitants can be found in Mexico City, organizing the daily flow of goods, interactions and information. It is unimaginable that the city could function without these informal structures. It seems that what is chaotic, spontaneous, temporary prevents the city from devouring itself. Zócalo is the main square in the historic center of the metropolis of Mexico. In this square, following the conquest of the city, the Spanish erected their buildings of representation in the 16th century over the ruins of the destroyed ceremonial center of the Aztecs: cathedrals over the temple ruins, the palace of the viceroy over the palace of the last ruler of the Aztecs. The open area between the buildings, the place outside the former temple walls, became the new center of power in the colonial city. Until the beginning of the 20th century the square was the functional center of the city. With the enormous growth of the city in the second half of the century, new functional centers arose in the metropolitan zones. Zócalo continued to remain the center, but gained an increasingly symbolic significance. Since the park area of the square was paved over with concrete in the late fifties, the center of the city is an austere surface of 240 by 240 meters. The physically empty center is impressive, but it is also unsettling, as though it constantly has to be filled with something. The "empty center" opens up a space to be occupied with symbols, demonstrations of power and an endless number of narratives. Again and again, the public square is newly occupied, produced, negotiated and disputed. For many years Zócalo
remained reserved to the manifestation of the state.
Up to today, there is a yearly calendar of official
ceremonies and events that are held by the government
or the military in the square. One of these events is
the daily flag ritual. In the middle of the cement area
of Zócalo there is a fifty-meter-high flagpole with
a gigantic national flag of Mexico. The flag is raised
early every morning and lowered every evening at six
o'clock, accompanied by a military ritual. During this
ceremony, passers-by and onlookers watch as military
dignitaries, soldiers and military police march across
the plaza in a cordoned square in time to the national
anthem. As soon as the last soldiers have disappeared
inside the national palace with the flag, the strict
demarcation of the square dissolves and people stream
back and forth across and through it again. Then, however,
as though magnetically drawn, they form new circles
around street artists who take up their performance
again at the same time, or they jostle into the metro
entrances. Depending on the
event and the occasion, the Zócalo is repeatedly structured,
arranged and actually staged with new things: sometimes
the square is adorned with tents for assemblies, sometimes
with long rows of chairs, podiums, stands or giant banners.
The square becomes a stage to be played on by each group
in their own way. However, the Zócalo is also a location for cultural events. There is an open air cinema regularly, classical concerts and theater performances take place, there are art exhibitions, information events and raves. Under the motto "la calle para todos" (the street for all), for example, the first elected city government organized events in recent years, where stars playing guest performances in the city, such as Compay Segundo, Tigres del Norte, Manu Chao or popular DJs from Berlin, played in Zócalo for free. And finally, the
Zócalo is also the goal of demonstrations. "Tomar
el Zócalo", the battlecry of oppositional political
movements since the sixties, may best be translated
as "take the Zócalo". The call to occupy the
square and fill it with their own contents was still
a genuine provocation at that time, because until then
the Zócalo was the sole representative location of the
hegemonial state power. It was a taboo for groups critical
of the government, a forbidden space, so to speak. The
student movements of 1968 and 1984 first turned the
square into a place for the demonstration of non-conformity
with regard to the official politics. One of the most
radical demonstrations to this day – which was organized
and carried out, unlike most other demonstrations, primarily
by students and young people – was that of the day of
remembrance of the massacre of October 2, 1968. On that
day, in conclusion to a student demonstration in the
"Plaza of Three Cultures", over three hundred
people were killed by the Mexican military.
Literature Bauman, Zygmunt: Flaneure, Spieler und Touristen – Essays zu postmodernen Lebensformen. Hamburg 1997 Calhoun, Craig (Ed.): Habermas and the Public Sphere. Cambridge 1999 Fraser, Nancy Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy. In: Craig Calhoun (Ed.), Habermas and the Public Sphere. Cambridge 1999, S. 109-142 Harvey, David: From Space to Place and Back Again: Reflections on the Conditions of Postmodernity. In: Bird, Jon et. al. (Ed.), Mapping the Futures. London 1993 Marchart, Oliver:Art,
Space and the Public Sphere(s). Some basic observations
on the difficult relation of public art, urbanism and
political theory. http://www.eipcp.net/diskurs/d07/text/ Sennett, Richard: Verfall und Ende des öffentlichen Lebens. Die Tyrannei der Intimität. Frankfurt/M 1986 (original title: The Fall of Public Man, New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1976) Silva, Armando (Ed.): Urban Imaginaries from Latin America. Documenta11. Osfildern-Ruit 2003 Simmel, Georg: Die Großstädte und das Geistesleben. In: Das Individuum und die Freiheit. Essais. Berlin 1984 Wildner, Kathrin: Zócalo – Die Mitte der Stadt Mexiko. Ethnographie eines Platzes. Berlin 2003 [1] In this I refer to my ethnographic work on the Zócalo of Mexico City, cf. Wildner 2003. [2] According to Nancy Fraser, the following characteristics can be distinguished as political aspects and connotations of the public: public space relates to the state, it is communal; it is accessible for everyone; something that affects everyone; a common good or common interest (cf. Fraser 1999). In addition, the public sphere also always involves certain rules, regulations and control mechanisms, which come into effect in public space. [3] Street peddling is an everyday battle for the use of public space, which Mayor Legoretta in 1998 described as an unresolvable conflict. The methods of his predecessors, such as building market halls, for example, or constant police controls and even raids, either led to the cleared streets quickly being occupied by new street peddlers, or that the international fast food chains appropriated the broad sidewalks with plastic tables as an extension of the restaurant. The only possibility that Legoretta saw was in filling the public space reconquered by the street peddlers with new contents. He stated that limiting street peddling only worked, if the neighboring residents took action for a concrete and local use for the cleared space, e.g. as a playground or park, and felt responsible for it. |
Kathrin WildnerlanguagesDeutsch English Françaistransversalreal public spaces |